Spain ZZ rectangle

DirectDemocracyS

— Global Political Organization —

POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC PROGRAM

FINANCIAL AND SOCIAL FOR SPAIN

Critical analysis of reality · Comprehensive diagnosis · Concrete and verifiable solutions

Based on the principles of:

Logic · Common sense · Study · Reality · Truth · Coherence · Mutual respect

Version 1.0 — 2025/2026

directdemocracys.org

PRELIMINARY NOTE

This document is the political, economic, financial, and social program that DirectDemocracyS (DDS) proposes for Spain. It is not an electoral propaganda document nor a list of empty promises. It is an honest, rigorous, and detailed analysis of the country's current situation, accompanied by concrete, feasible, and coherent solutions, based on logic, common sense, empirical evidence, and respect for all citizens.

DDS does not belong to any traditional ideological current. It is neither left nor right, nor center. It is a global political organization that places reality, truth, and coherence above any dogma. Every proposal contained in this document can be debated, improved, and voted on directly by citizens, because in DDS, power belongs to the people, in a real way, not just in words.

The program is structured around broad thematic areas. For each area, the following is offered: (1) a diagnosis of the current situation using real data; (2) a critique of current policies; (3) concrete proposals with implementation mechanisms; (4) international examples of reference; (5) anticipated consequences, both positive and the risks to be managed.

Spain deserves an honest, competent government that serves all its citizens, without privileges for any group. This program is our contribution to that goal.

 

PART I: DIAGNOSIS OF THE REAL SITUATION

1.1 Spain in Figures: The Reality that Politicians Avoid

To propose realistic solutions, it is essential to begin with an honest diagnosis. Official figures, when correctly interpreted, reveal a structurally fragile situation that traditional parties—both those in government and those in opposition—systematically minimize, distort, or use for electoral purposes instead of addressing it seriously.

INDICATOR

REAL SITUATION (2024)

Public debt

~118% of GDP (2024), approx. €1.6 trillion

Total unemployment

~11.5% (2024), the highest in the EU after Greece

Youth unemployment

~26-28%, a structural, not a cyclical, data point

GDP per capita

~€30,000 (PPP), below the EU average

Annual public deficit

~3-4% of GDP, systematic non-compliance

Relative poverty

~26% of the population (AROPE, Eurostat)

R&D&I spending

~1.4% of GDP, well below the EU target of 3%

Labor productivity

It's lower than in Germany, France, or the Netherlands.

Estimated underground economy

~18-22% of GDP (OECD)

Emigration of young graduates

Tens of thousands a year, loss of human capital

These are not opinions: they are facts documented by independent organizations such as Eurostat, the IMF, the OECD, and the Bank of Spain. Any political program that does not start from this reality is dishonest or incompetent. At DDS, we always begin with the truth.

1.2 The Four Structural Crises of Spain

1.2.1 Crisis of the Production Model

The Spanish economy remains based on a low value-added model: mass tourism, construction, hospitality, and retail account for a disproportionate percentage of employment and GDP. This model generates precarious, seasonal, low-paying jobs that are highly vulnerable to external shocks (pandemics, geopolitical crises, climate change). The 2020 pandemic brutally demonstrated this structural fragility.

1.2.2 Demographic and Labor Market Crisis

Spain is aging rapidly. The birth rate is among the lowest in Europe (approximately 1.2 children per woman), the working-age population is shrinking, and the pension system is under increasing pressure. At the same time, the labor market is driving away qualified young people (brain drain) and maintains a rate of temporary and precarious employment that is destroying the life plans of millions.

1.2.3 Territorial and Institutional Crisis

The unresolved Catalan territorial conflict, unfair and irrational regional funding, extreme political fragmentation, and systemic corruption weaken the State's capacity to make strategic decisions. The system of 17 autonomous communities with overlapping powers generates duplication of administrations, inefficiency, and territorial inequality that is unacceptable in the 21st century.

1.2.4 Crisis of Representation and Trust

Public distrust in institutions has reached historic levels. The Spanish electoral system (the d'Hondt method with provincial constituencies) severely distorts the proportionality of the vote: parties with millions of votes obtain few seats, while parties with few votes but concentrated geographically have disproportionate representation. Citizens feel that their vote makes no difference, and they are right.

 

PART II: CRITIQUE OF THE CURRENT POLITICAL SYSTEM

2.1 The Two-Party System and Its Heirs

For decades, the PP and PSOE alternated in government, maintaining a system of "elite rotation" in which, regardless of who won, the same power networks—large corporations, banking lobbies, construction companies, and friendly media outlets—continued to dictate fundamental policies. The emergence of Ciudadanos, Podemos, Vox, and Sumar has not broken this pattern: the new parties have been absorbed by the same dynamics of blocs, polarization, and dependence on media and financial apparatuses.

Criticism of the main parties:

POPULAR PARTY (PP)

A self-proclaimed defender of free enterprise, in practice he bailed out banks and construction companies with public money.

Savage cuts in health and education during the 2008-2013 crisis, placing the burden on the most vulnerable.

Implicated in cases of structural corruption (Gürtel, Bárcenas, ERE in some autonomous communities governed by allies).

Unable to reform the welfare state fairly: proposes tax cuts that primarily benefit high incomes.

Its territorial policy ignores demands for recognition of national identities and exacerbates tensions.

SPANISH SOCIALIST WORKERS' PARTY (PSOE)

Management of the catastrophic 2008 crisis: destruction of 3 million jobs in 2 years.

Constitutional reform of article 135 (2011) that enshrines austerity and the preference of debt payment over social spending: done at night, without referendum.

Progressive social discourse that coexists with adjustment policies and complicity with financial power.

Clientelistic use of public administrations and public media.

Inability to resolve the Catalan territorial conflict: neither real dialogue nor a constitutional solution.

VOX

Far-right populism that exploits legitimate discontent with irrational proposals.

It proposes eliminating regional powers, but does not explain how to manage the enormous territorial diversity.

Climate denial in a country that will suffer severely from global warming.

Hate speech towards immigrants that criminalizes vulnerable people without providing real solutions.

Supply-side economics without analysis of debt or redistributive impact.

ADD / WE CAN

The redistributive proposals are correct in the diagnosis but lack realistic implementation mechanisms.

Universal Basic Income proposal without verified sustainable financing or impact analysis on labor incentives.

Excessive reliance on class rhetoric without proposals for profound institutional reform.

Internal fragmentation (Podemos vs. Sumar) that demonstrates the priority of personal power over political project.

Inability to articulate a broad social majority beyond the "progressive" bloc.

2.2 The Electoral System: An Imperfect Democracy

The d'Hondt method, when applied to provincial constituencies, produces profoundly undemocratic results. In the 2023 general elections, parties with millions of national votes obtained far less representation in Congress than their actual electoral weight warranted, while regionalist parties with concentrated votes gained disproportionate bargaining power. This system fosters ungovernability, dependence on opaque agreements, and a growing sense among citizens that voting is pointless.

Specific example:

In 2023, Vox obtained over 3 million votes and 33 seats. Junts obtained fewer than 400,000 votes and 7 seats. The value of a Junts vote was approximately 10 times greater than that of a Vox vote. This is not democracy: it is a structural distortion of suffrage.

2.3 Corruption as a System, Not as an Exception

Political corruption in Spain is not a marginal phenomenon of "bad apples": it is a functional system of extracting public resources towards private networks, made possible by institutional opacity, the weakness of independent controls and the political capture of the judiciary and supervisory bodies.

 

PART III: POLITICAL PROGRAM — DEMOCRATIC AND INSTITUTIONAL REFORM

3.1 Electoral System Reform

Spanish representative democracy needs profound reform to bring representatives and the represented closer together, guarantee true proportionality of the vote, and return decision-making power to the citizens. DDS proposes the following measures, which can be implemented in a legislative period with genuine political will:

3.1.1 Single National Constituency with Reduced Threshold

Replace the current system of provincial constituencies using the d'Hondt method with a single national constituency with pure proportional representation and a 2% threshold (currently 3% in many provinces is effectively much higher). This would guarantee that every vote carries equal weight regardless of where the voter resides.

3.1.2 Individual Representation Mandate

Members of parliament must answer to their constituents, not to their party leadership. DDS proposes the introduction of a verifiable representative mandate: voters in each constituency can call for a recall referendum of their representative if they collect enough signatures (a threshold of 15% of those who voted for them). The closed-list, blocked voting system should be replaced by open or semi-open lists.

3.1.3 Binding Direct Democracy

DDS proposes the introduction of binding direct democracy mechanisms, inspired by the Swiss model:

3.2 Institutional Reform and Anti-Corruption

3.2.1 Real Independence of the Judiciary

The General Council of the Judiciary should be elected through a system that excludes direct negotiation between political parties. DDS proposes that the 20 members of the CGPJ be elected: 12 by the judges and magistrates themselves through universal suffrage of the judiciary, and 8 by a committee of legal experts selected by lottery from among jurists with more than 15 years of experience, with parliamentary oversight but without direct political voting.

3.2.2 Armored Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office

The Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office must have constitutionally guaranteed budgetary autonomy, with a minimum budget of 0.1% of GDP, and its director must be elected by Congress with a 3/5 majority. The investigation of cases against high-ranking political officials must fall to judges appointed by lottery from among the heads of first instance courts with more than 10 years of experience.

3.2.3 Radical Transparency

All lobbying activity must be publicly recorded in real time. Public contracts must be accessible on an open digital platform. The assets of all elected officials and top-level civil servants must be declared annually, cross-checked by the Tax Agency, and published in full. Party financing must be audited in real time, with the publication of donors exceeding €500.

3.2.4 Removal of the Revolving Door

A five-year incompatibility period (currently two years) will be established between holding a relevant public office and joining companies in the regulated sector or with public contracts. Violations will be sanctioned with the loss of the public pension and a fine equivalent to the benefit obtained, with no possibility of expiration for up to ten years.

3.3 Territorial Reform: Solidarity Federalism

The Spanish autonomous community model is an unfinished system that has produced administrative duplication, territorial inequality, and ongoing political conflicts. Neither Jacobin centralism nor a confederation of sovereign territories is the answer. DDS proposes a genuine and inclusive federal model, inspired by the German, Swiss, and Canadian models, and adapted to Spain's specific circumstances.

3.3.1 Federal Constitution with Explicit Catalogue of Competencies

3.3.2 Federal Solidarity Financing System

The territorial financing system must be based on three principles: equality of resources per capita adjusted for objective needs (aging, geographical dispersion, insularity); transparent and verifiable inter-territorial solidarity; responsible fiscal autonomy with limits on subnational debt.

3.3.3 Recognition of National Plurality

The Constitution must explicitly recognize the plurinational nature of the Spanish State, without this implying the right to unilateral secession. A genuine Federal Senate is proposed, with balanced territorial representation and real powers (currently, the Spanish Senate is a chamber without real relevance). The right to use co-official languages in all bodies of the federal State will be guaranteed and funded by the federal budget.

 

PART IV: ECONOMIC PROGRAM — TRANSFORMATION OF THE PRODUCTION MODEL

4.1 Detailed Economic Diagnosis

Spain needs a profound structural transformation of its economy. The model based on tourism, construction, and low value-added services is unsustainable in the long term for four fundamental reasons: it generates endemic job insecurity, it is vulnerable to external shocks, it has a low productivity ceiling, and it does not produce the technological innovation necessary to compete in the 21st century.

STRUCTURAL PROBLEMS OF THE SPANISH PRODUCTION MODEL

Duality of the labor market: 'insiders' with permanent jobs and 'outsiders' with structural precarity.

Low productivity per hour worked compared to the EU average: we work more hours with less result.

Dependence on mortgage credit to generate growth (the housing bubble is recurrent).

Brain drain: thousands of engineers, doctors, and researchers emigrate every year.

Business fabric dominated by micro-enterprises (less than 10 employees) with difficulties in financing and innovation.

Oligopolistic concentration in key sectors: banking (5 banks control ~90% of the market), energy, telecommunications.

4.2 Strategic Industrialization Plan

DDS proposes a 10-year National Strategic Industrialization Plan, with verifiable objectives and public-private funding, focused on sectors where Spain has or can develop real comparative advantages:

4.2.1 Priority Sectors

4.2.2 Implementation Mechanisms

Strategic industrialization requires public instruments that the market alone cannot provide:

4.3 Labor Market Reform

The Spanish labor market is dysfunctional: it excessively protects those who already have permanent jobs and massively destroys temporary employment during crises. The 2021 reform has reduced temporary employment but has not resolved the underlying problem: structural duality and low productivity.

4.3.1 Single Contract with Increasing Compensation

DDS proposes replacing the proliferation of contract types (more than 40 modalities) with a single standard employment contract with the following characteristics:

4.3.2 Reduction of Working Hours

The 37.5-hour workweek already approved is an insufficient step. DDS proposes a planned transition to a 32-hour workweek over six years, with the following conditions:

4.3.3 Minimum Wage Linked to Productivity

The Interprofessional Minimum Wage (SMI) must be automatically updated annually, linking it to real inflation (CPI) plus 50% of the increase in national labor productivity. This ensures that workers participate in economic growth. The current SMI (approximately €1,134 in 2024) should reach 60% of the national median wage (the threshold recommended by the ILO), which in the Spanish context would be approximately €1,300-€1,400.

4.4 Competition Policy and Regulation of Oligopolies

In strategic sectors such as banking, energy, and telecommunications, oligopolistic concentration has led to high prices, limited innovation, and regulatory capture. DDS proposes:

 

PART V: FINANCIAL AND FISCAL PROGRAM

5.1 Public Debt: Truth and Strategy

Spain's public debt (approximately €1.6 trillion, or 118% of GDP) is a fact that no responsible program can ignore. Right-wing parties use it to justify social spending cuts; left-wing parties downplay it with arguments about monetization by the ECB. Both positions are partially incorrect. The reality is more complex:

5.1.1 8-Year Fiscal Stabilization Plan

DDS proposes a plan to reduce the structural deficit that does not rely on social cuts but on three simultaneous levers:

5.2 Tax Reform: Real Tax Justice

The Spanish tax system is formally progressive but in practice regressive in many areas: employment income (salaries) is taxed more than capital and property income; large fortunes exploit special regimes, SICAVs, holding companies and aggressive tax planning; the underground economy concentrated in specific sectors erodes the tax base.

5.2.1 Personal Income Tax: Actual Rates for High Incomes

INCOME GRADE

PROPOSED MARGINAL RATE

Up to €12,000

0% (high minimum exemption)

€12,001 - €21,000

15%

€21,001 - €35,000

24%

€35,001 - €60,000

34%

€60,001 - €120,000

42%

€120,001 - €300,000

48%

€300,001 - €1,000,000

55%

More than €1,000,000

60%

Capital gains (dividends, capital gains, interest) will be taxed at the same rate as earned income, eliminating the current preferential savings rates for very high earners. The flat 26% savings rate for any amount of capital gains is a tax injustice that DDS will eliminate.

5.2.2 Tax on Large Fortunes

The current wealth tax is ineffective and unfair (some autonomous communities offer a 100% tax break). DDS proposes a federal wealth tax.

5.2.3 Financial Transactions Tax (ITF)

A 0.2% Financial Transaction Tax (FTT) on equity transactions and a 0.1% tax on financial derivatives (in line with the proposal put forward by the European Commission in 2013 and pending approval). This generates €2-3 billion in annual revenue, discourages high-frequency speculation, and does not affect retail investors or the financing of the real economy.

5.2.4 Radical Fight Against Tax Fraud

Spain's shadow economy represents between 18% and 22% of GDP. Eliminating just half of it would generate an additional €30-40 billion in revenue annually. DDS proposes:

5.3 Pensions: Real Sustainability, Not Propaganda

The Spanish pension system is a pay-as-you-go system (active workers finance the pensions of retirees). With a rapidly aging population and a very low birth rate, this system is mathematically unsustainable in the long term without reforms. The partial solutions already adopted (extending working life, indexing pensions to inflation) are necessary but insufficient. DDS proposes a comprehensive package:

 

PART VI: SOCIAL PROGRAM — REAL EQUALITY, NOT RHETORIC

6.1 Education: The Most Profitable Investment

Education is the most powerful determinant of social mobility, economic productivity, and democratic quality. The Spanish education system is structurally sound in its foundations but suffers from three chronic problems: constant legislative instability (8 education laws in 40 years), territorial inequality in quality and resources, and the gap between what is taught and what the 21st-century economy and society need.

6.1.1 National Education Pact

Spain needs a constitutionally enshrined National Education Pact that guarantees the stability of the education system beyond electoral cycles. This pact must include:

6.1.2 Vocational Training: The Model That Works

Germany has 60% of its young population enrolled in dual vocational training; Spain, 15%. German vocational training (Berufsausbildung) combines on-the-job training in real companies with theoretical training in schools, with paid contracts from day one. The result: youth unemployment in Germany is around 5%; in Spain, around 27%. The model works and is well-documented. DDS proposes:

6.1.3 University: Excellence and Equity

6.2 Health: Universal, Public and of Quality

The Spanish healthcare system is one of the best in the world according to the WHO and the Bloomberg Health Index, but it is under increasing pressure due to an aging population, chronic illnesses, chronic underfunding, and waiting lists that are scandalously long in some autonomous communities. Privatizing parts of the system has proven to be more expensive and of lower quality than direct public management in most comparative studies.

6.2.1 Federal Minimum Funding Guarantee

Public spending on healthcare must be guaranteed at the federal level at a minimum of 7% of GDP (currently ~6.2%), with a system of transfers ensuring that no autonomous community has per capita spending below 90% of the national average. Autonomous communities may supplement this with their own resources but may not cut spending below the federal minimum.

6.2.2 Reduction of Waiting Lists

6.2.3 Mental Health: The Greatly Forgotten

Spain has one of the lowest ratios of public psychologists and psychiatrists per capita in the Western EU: 6 psychologists per 100,000 inhabitants (compared to 18 in Germany or 22 in France). The COVID-19 pandemic has generated a silent mental health crisis that the system cannot absorb.

6.3 Housing: A Right, Not an Investment

The housing crisis is Spain's most pressing social problem in 2024-2026. Rents in Madrid, Barcelona, Valencia, Malaga, and other cities have risen by 40-80% in five years. Wages have not increased proportionally. The result: an entire generation excluded from the housing market and condemned to precarious housing. The causes are multiple: a shortage of building land in high-demand areas, real estate speculation, the proliferation of tourist apartments, and a lack of affordable public rental housing.

6.3.1 Affordable Rent Public Park

The stock of public rental housing in Spain is ridiculously small (~2% of total housing, vs. ~30% in the Netherlands or ~20% in Austria). DDS proposes:

6.3.2 Regulation of the Rental Market

The Urban Leases Act must guarantee:

6.4 Equality and Diversity Policies

DDS believes in true equality for all people, regardless of gender, origin, sexual orientation, religion, or ability. Equality is not just rhetoric: it is a set of measurable policies with verifiable indicators.

6.4.1 Gender Equality

6.4.2 Disability and Inclusion

6.4.3 Immigration Policy: Order and Humanity

Immigration is a structural and irreversible phenomenon that Spain needs to manage intelligently, not with demagoguery. DDS's position is clear: Spain needs immigration for demographic and economic reasons, and has a legal and moral obligation to guarantee dignified treatment to those who arrive on its territory. These two positions are compatible and mutually reinforcing.

 

PART VII: ENVIRONMENT, ENERGY AND ECOLOGICAL TRANSITION

7.1 Climate Change: A Real Emergency

Spain is one of the European countries most vulnerable to climate change: rising temperatures above the European average, progressive desertification of the southeastern Iberian Peninsula, and increasingly frequent and intense extreme weather events (storms, droughts, forest fires). The devastating storm in Valencia in November 2024 demonstrated that the climate crisis is not a future threat but a present reality that is already claiming lives and destroying local economies.

Ignoring climate change is not a conservative option: it's a suicidal one. Climate denial by parties like Vox is not only scientifically incorrect but also economically irresponsible: the costs of inaction far outweigh those of the ecological transition.

7.2 Energy Transition Plan

7.2.1 Objectives

7.2.2 The Nuclear Debate: Truth about Atomic Energy

DDS applies the principle of truth even when it is uncomfortable. Nuclear energy is a source with real advantages and disadvantages that deserve honest, non-ideological analysis.

DDS proposes: extending the lifespan of existing (already amortized) nuclear power plants until the renewable energy grid can absorb their closure without risk to supply, subject to independent safety inspection. No construction of new fission power plants. Investment in nuclear fusion research (ITER) as a long-term option.

7.2.3 Energy Communities

Local energy communities represent the democratization of energy: groups of citizens, cooperatives, and municipalities that produce, consume, and share renewable energy. In Germany, Austria, and Denmark, they are a cornerstone of the energy system. In Spain, they have been legally recognized since 2021, but bureaucratic hurdles hinder their development.

7.3 Territorial Management and Disaster Prevention

The DANA storm in Valencia (November 2024) has revealed systemic failures in climate risk management: late warnings, lack of coordination between administrations, inadequate infrastructure, and urbanization of high-risk areas. DDS proposes:

 

PART VIII: FOREIGN POLICY, DEFENSE AND POSITION IN THE WORLD

8.1 Europe: Intelligent Integration, Not Submission

Spain is a medium-sized country in the European context and an actor with real influence in the EU, especially in relation to Latin America and the Mediterranean. DDS's position regarding the EU is one of active and constructive integration, not Euroscepticism or uncritical Euro-enthusiasm.

8.2 Defense: Responsibility without Militarism

DDS is not a naive pacifist organization: it recognizes that security is a public good that requires investment and real defense capabilities. At the same time, it rejects militarism, the arms race, and the subordination of foreign policy to defense-industrial interests.

8.3 Latin America: An Adult Relationship

Spain's relations with Latin America are shaped by unique historical, cultural, and economic ties, but also by the colonial legacy that generates legitimate resentment. DDS proposes a Latin American policy based on mutual respect, non-interference, and cooperation on an equal footing.

 

PART IX: DDS'S DEMOCRATIC PROPOSAL — WHY WE ARE DIFFERENT

9.1 The Founding Principles of DDS

DirectDemocracyS is not a traditional political party. It is a global political organization that proposes a radically different model of power management: based on collective ownership, shared leadership, and genuine direct democracy. These are not slogans: they are concrete institutional mechanisms.

DDS OPERATING PRINCIPLES

FACT: No DDS policy proposal can be based on false or manipulated data. The analyses are verifiable and the sources are public.

LOGIC: Each proposal has an explicit causal chain: problem identified → cause analyzed → proposed solution → expected consequences.

COHERENCE: There are no contradictions between areas of the program. Fiscal policy is consistent with social policy, which is consistent with environmental policy.

RESPECT: No one is an enemy for disagreeing. Debate is a tool for improvement, not a war.

COLLECTIVE OWNERSHIP: DDS has no individual owners. All members have equal rights and responsibilities.

SHARED LEADERSHIP: No one person can concentrate excessive power. Leaders are coordinators, not bosses.

DIRECT DEMOCRACY: Citizens vote directly on the most important decisions, not just for representatives.

9.2 The Micro-Group Model and Fractal Expansion

DDS organizes its structure into micro-groups of 5 people. Each micro-group makes decisions by consensus or qualified majority. When a micro-group has built sufficient cohesion and understanding of the program, it can expand by creating new satellite micro-groups. This fractal structure (1→5→25→125→625 people) ensures that growth does not dilute internal democratic quality: each level has the same rights and the same control mechanisms.

9.3 Three-Code Identity Verification

DDS guarantees that each member is a real and unique individual through a three-code identity verification system. This system allows for anonymous participation in deliberations while ensuring that each participant has one and only one identity within the system. There is no possibility of voting twice or creating false identities. Full details of the system are available in the DDS technical documentation at directdemocracy.org.

9.4 Implementation Proposal in Spain

DDS proposes a roadmap for gradual and verifiable implementation in Spain:

PHASE

OBJECTIVES AND ACTIONS

Year 1-2

Building micro-groups in major Spanish cities. Formation of 500 founding micro-groups (2,500 people). Legal registration as a political party in Spain.

Year 2-3

First direct consultation with members on the program's priorities for Spain. Presentation of municipal elections in pilot cities.

Year 3-5

Expansion to 5,000 micro-groups (25,000 active members). Participation in regional and general elections.

Year 5+

With parliamentary representation, gradual implementation of the program reforms, with periodic public verification of the results.

 

PART X: IMPLEMENTATION ROADMAP AND ANTICIPATED CONSEQUENCES

10.1 Priorities of the First Term (4 Years)

An ambitious program like this cannot be implemented all at once. The sequence matters: some reforms are prerequisites for others, some generate revenue that finances others, and some require prior social consensus. DDS proposes the following prioritization:

Year 1: Urgent Reforms

Year 2: Structural Reforms

Years 3-4: Consolidation and Expansion

10.2 Expected Consequences: Positive and Risks

EXPECTED POSITIVE CONSEQUENCES (conservative estimates)

Reduction of total unemployment to 7-8% in 5 years (Dual Vocational Training, industrialization, reduced working hours).

Reduction of youth unemployment to 12-15% in 5 years (Dual Vocational Training, elimination of contractual duality).

Additional tax revenue of 40-50 billion annually via tax reform and anti-fraud measures.

Reduction of the structural deficit to 1% of GDP in 6 years.

Increase in R&D spending to 2.5% of GDP in 8 years.

Construction of 200,000 public rental homes in 8 years.

Reduction of relative poverty from 26% to 18% in 6 years.

Spain, leader in renewable energy: 100% renewable electricity by 2040.

Increase in institutional trust (measured by Eurobarometer) by 15 points in 4 years.

RISKS TO MANAGE (honestly)

CAPITAL FLIGHT: Tax reform may incentivize the departure of large fortunes. Countermeasure: coordination with the EU, automatic exchange of information, exit tax on transferred assets.

RESISTANCE FROM ESTABLISHED INTERESTS: banks, construction companies, and large corporations will resist reforms. Countermeasure: broad social coalition, transparency of lobbying efforts, and direct communication with citizens.

PARLIAMENTARY FRAGMENTATION: Electoral reform may lead to further fragmentation. Countermeasure: Clear rules for forming majorities, mechanisms for government stability.

TERRITORIAL RESISTANCE: Federal reform may generate conflicts with autonomous communities that lose powers or funding. Countermeasure: transparent negotiation process, territorial referendum.

WAGE INFLATION: The increase in the minimum wage and the reduction in working hours can generate inflationary pressure. Countermeasure: gradual implementation, linkage to productivity, continuous monitoring.

OVERLOAD OF THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM: Anti-corruption reforms will generate an increase in cases. Countermeasure: Investment in the judicial career path, digitalization, specialized courts.

10.3 Evaluation Metrics

DDS is committed to publishing a semi-annual evaluation report for each implemented policy, using predefined indicators and a transparent methodology. Citizens must be able to verify whether promises are being kept. If they are not, the reasons must be explained and the policy adjusted. Accountability is not optional: it is the foundation of democratic legitimacy.

INDICATOR

OBJECTIVE AND SOURCE OF VERIFICATION

Total unemployment

Target: <8% in 5 years (Source: EPA/INE)

Youth unemployment

Target: <15% in 5 years (Source: EPA/INE)

Debt/GDP

Target: <100% in 8 years (Source: Bank of Spain)

Structural deficit

Target: <1% of GDP in 6 years (Source: AIReF)

R&D&I spending

Target: >2.5% of GDP in 8 years (Source: INE/Eurostat)

Relative poverty (AROPE)

Target: <18% in 6 years (Source: Eurostat)

Tax fraud

Objective: 50% reduction in 6 years (Source: AEAT)

Renewable energy

Target: >85% by 2030, 100% by 2040 (Source: REE)

Institutional trust

Target: +15 points in 4 years (Source: Eurobarometer)

Gender pay gap

Target: <5% in 5 years (Source: INE)

 

CONCLUSION: A DIFFERENT SPAIN IS POSSIBLE

The program that DDS presents for Spain is not utopian. Each proposal has precedents in other developed democratic countries: Switzerland's direct democracy, Germany's solidarity-based federalism, Austria's dual vocational training system, Iceland's labor model, the Nordic countries' fiscal transparency, Denmark's energy communities, and the Netherlands' integrated mental health system.

What DDS proposes is not to invent new solutions: it is to have the courage to adopt what already works elsewhere, adapting it to the Spanish reality. And to have the courage to tell the truth: about the real problems, about the costs of the solutions, about the interests that will resist change, about the risks that must be managed.

Traditional parties fail not because they are unaware of the problems—many have excellent experts—but because their incentives are aligned with perpetuating the system that gives them power, not with solving citizens' problems. A party that depends on funding from large banks cannot regulate the banking oligopoly. A party that needs the votes of homeowners cannot control the rental market. A party whose elite benefits from the revolving door cannot eliminate it.

DDS doesn't have these contradictions because its collective ownership structure and shared leadership make it impossible to capture by special interests. No person, no group, no donor can buy DDS because DDS is priceless: it belongs to all its members equally.

Spain deserves a better future. Spanish citizens are hardworking, creative, compassionate, and intelligent. The problem isn't the people: it's the political system that has been imposed upon them and that doesn't represent their true interests. DDS proposes changing it. Not with violence, not with rupture, but with intelligence, coherence, and genuine democracy.

Change is possible. Change is necessary. Change begins when citizens decide they have the right to demand the truth from those who govern them, and that they have the power to build something better.

DirectDemocracyS — directdemocracys.org

Because power belongs to everyone.