DIRECTDEMOCRACYS

UNION OF THE COMOROS

Political, economic, financial, and social program — Analysis and solutions DirectDemocracyS

Table of Contents

Preamble

I. Critical analysis of the actual situation in the Comoros

II. The DirectDemocracyS system: complete architecture for the Comoros

III. Detailed program: governance, economy, finance and social

IV. Implementation Roadmap

V. Anticipated Consequences and Expected Benefits

Conclusion

 

Preamble

DirectDemocracyS (DDS) is a global political, economic, financial, and social system based on collective and non-transferable ownership, shared leadership, and direct, continuous, immediate, and protected democracy. DDS is neither left nor right: it is founded on logic, common sense, rigorous factual analysis, reality, truth, and mutual respect. This document offers, for the Union of the Comoros, a critical and realistic analysis of the current situation, followed by a comprehensive, concrete, and applicable political, economic, financial, and social program based on the DDS architecture.

This program fully respects and protects the traditions, culture, language, religion (Sunni Islam, the religion of the vast majority of Comorians, as well as other beliefs present in the country), customs of each island—Grande Comore (Ngazidja), Anjouan (Ndzuwani), and Mohéli (Mwali)—political opposition, and all minorities. DDS imposes no ideology: it gives the Comorian people the tools to decide their own destiny with full knowledge of the facts.

"The wealth of each country, and the power to decide for one's own country, must remain forever and solely in the hands of the people." — Fundamental principle applied by DDS in every country of the world, without exception.

 

I. Critical analysis of the actual situation in the Comoros

This analysis is based on the most recent available data (2025-2026) from international institutions, the French Treasury, the World Bank, and press sources. It is deliberately clear-sighted and uncompromising: a precise understanding of the obstacles is essential to resolving them.

1. Centralized governance and limited democratic space

The Comorian executive branch is highly personalized and concentrated. President Azali Assoumani, who first came to power in a 1999 coup, has led the country since 2016 after his third return to office. The 2018 constitutional referendum abolished the rotating presidency among the three islands—a historical mechanism for balancing power between Grande Comore, Anjouan, and Mohéli—and allowed the president to run for additional terms. The closure of the Constitutional Court and the Anti-Corruption Court led the European Union to suspend its direct institutional cooperation with the Comorian state.

The presidential election of January 2024 was marked by an opposition boycott and a very low turnout, estimated at around 16%, before the results were validated by the Supreme Court. The legislative and municipal elections of January and February 2025 saw the ruling party, the Convention for the Renewal of the Comoros (CRC), win an overwhelming majority, with the opposition—notably the Juwa party—largely boycotting the vote, denouncing irregularities. Organizations such as Freedom House classify the country as "partly free," a classification that has been declining for the past decade.

• Family concentration of power: in 2024, the president's son, Nour El Fath Azali, was given expanded executive powers as Secretary General of the Government, and the president publicly mentioned in January 2025 the prospect of a transfer of power to his son by 2029, prompting accusations of dynastic drift from the opposition.
• Fragility and dispersion of the opposition: part of the opposition acts from abroad in the form of a "government in exile", a formula which struggles to convince part of the public due to its distance from the field, while the internal opposition, weakened by repeated electoral boycotts, has few real institutional levers.
• Latent inter-island tensions: the Anjouan question remains politically sensitive; the abolition of the rotating presidency in 2018 has left lasting frustration on some islands regarding their actual representation at the top of the State.

This diagnosis is neither a moral condemnation nor a partisan stance: it is a factual observation that shows why a mechanism of direct popular participation, not dependent on the goodwill of an executive or on the survival of a partisan opposition, is now essential in the Comoros.

2. A structurally fragile and undiversified economy

The Comorian economy has been trapped in a low-growth cycle for over forty years, with average growth of around 2.6% per year between 1980 and 2022. Growth reached 3.3% in 2024 and around 3.8% in 2025, driven mainly by public investment in large projects (El-Maarouf hospital, Galawa hotel, infrastructure for the 2027 Indian Ocean Island Games) and by remittances from the diaspora, rather than by a solid national productive fabric.

• Over-reliance on three cash crops: vanilla, cloves and ylang-ylang represent the bulk of agricultural exports, exposing the country to global price fluctuations and climatic hazards, while agriculture employs a very large part of the active population for limited added value.
• Total dependence on hydrocarbon imports: the Comoros imports all of its fossil fuels via the Gulf. The fuel crisis of May 2026 — shortages, water cuts following the shutdown of pumps, price increases suspended at the last minute after strikes by drivers and traders — acutely illustrates the country's structural vulnerability to external oil shocks, even though the Comoros possesses largely untapped solar and hydroelectric potential.
• Small and uncompetitive private sector: an unfavorable business climate, frequent power outages, very limited access to credit (low financial inclusion) and the strong presence of public companies in key sectors weigh on competition and private investment.
• Public finances under strain: the budget deficit increased from around 3% of GDP in 2022 to 3.9% in 2024; public debt jumped from 25.5% of GDP in 2020 to 36.8% in 2024, placing the country at high risk of over-indebtedness according to the IMF and the World Bank; domestic tax revenues remain structurally insufficient.
• Chronic trade deficit: the export base is narrow while the country imports most of its consumer goods and energy; only remittances from the diaspora (around 11 to 15% of GDP depending on the year) make it possible to contain the current account deficit, without sustainably financing national productive investment.

3. A social situation marked by persistent poverty

Nearly 45% of the population lived below the poverty line, according to 2024 World Bank data. This figure is gradually declining (18% according to a different international threshold in 2024, compared to 25.9% in 2020), but it remains very high for a country now classified as lower-middle-income. The country ranks 152nd out of 189 on the Human Development Index.

• Youth unemployment and emigration: widespread underemployment is the norm, particularly in the informal agricultural sector; faced with local prospects perceived as limited, a large part of Comorian youth considers emigration — particularly to Mayotte — as the main way out, which deprives the country of its vital forces.
• Unequal access to essential services: education, health and social protection remain unequally accessible depending on the islands and rural/urban areas; water and electricity cuts, aggravated by energy crises, directly impact the daily lives of families.
• Extreme climate vulnerability: Cyclone Kenneth in 2019 caused damage equivalent to 14% of GDP and affected more than 40% of the population; Cyclone Chido also exacerbated recent food insecurity. The Comoros is among the countries most exposed to climate risks in the world relative to the size of their economy.
• Underfunded health and education system: despite a significant share of external transfers being devoted to health and education (about one third of the transfer budget), institutional and infrastructural capacities remain insufficient to meet the needs of the population.

4. Weakened sovereignty and governance of resources

The Comoros occupies a strategic position at the entrance to the Mozambique Channel, with potential hydrocarbon and underwater mineral resources within its exclusive economic zone—potential wealth whose effective control by the Comorian people themselves is not currently guaranteed. The country also remains heavily dependent on foreign aid and donations from bilateral partners (particularly from the Gulf), which creates risks of political dependency. The governance of strategic public enterprises (energy, hydrocarbons) suffers from a lack of transparency: the cross-debt between the electricity company (Sonelec) and the hydrocarbon company (SCH) illustrates the fragile public management of these vital sectors.

5. Summary: a country with strong potential, held back by the concentration of power and the lack of direct popular participation

This diagnosis reveals a consistent pattern that DDS observes in many countries: it is not the Comorians who lack competence, courage, or will—it is the institutional mechanisms for direct, transparent, and protected participation that are lacking. The country's potential (strategic location, natural resources, active and skilled diaspora, large youth population, biodiversity, and renewable energy and tourism potential) remains largely untapped as long as strategic decisions remain concentrated in the hands of a select few, without direct, continuous, and protected citizen oversight against manipulation.

 

II. The DirectDemocracyS system: complete architecture for the Comoros

DDS is not a party seeking power: it is a system that the Comorian people themselves are activating, island by island, village by village, neighborhood by neighborhood. It does not forcibly replace existing institutions; it builds, alongside and above them, a network of direct, transparent, meritocratic, and protected participation, which is gradually becoming the true source of decision-making because it is the people themselves, organized, who are driving it.

1. The fractal structure of micro-groups (1 → 5 → 25 → 125 → 625)

The basis of DDS is the micro-group: a local unit of five people who know each other, trust each other, and make decisions together. Five micro-groups form a group of 25 people; five groups of 25 form a level of 125; and so on, according to a fractal architecture that allows information and decisions to flow up and down the scale of a Comorian village of a few hundred inhabitants as well as the scale of all three islands, without ever losing the direct link with the base.

• Concrete application in Ngazidja, Ndzuwani and Mwali: each village, each district of Moroni, Mutsamudu or Fomboni can form its first micro-groups in a few weeks, without waiting for administrative authorization, by relying on existing family, associative and religious networks — mosques, youth associations, agricultural cooperatives, diaspora associations.
• Full respect for inter-island balances: the fractal structure of DDS restores in fact, from the base and not by decree, a representative balance between the three islands, each organizing its own micro-groups according to its rhythm, without any island being subordinate to another.

2. Non-transferable collective ownership and shared leadership

Each official member of DDS holds a unique, non-transferable, and non-saleable share. There can be no capture of the system by a family, clan, or outside investor: decision-making power remains structurally dispersed among all members, forever. Leadership is shared and rotates: no position is held for life, no role becomes hereditary—a direct and peaceful response to the risk of dynastic power succession observed today in the Comoros.

3. The three-code identity system: anonymity and security

Each member has a unique three-code identification system, which guarantees both genuine identity verification (one person = one vote, with no duplicates or fraud) and anonymity from third parties, including the government. This mechanism is essential in a context where members of the opposition, journalists, or ordinary citizens might fear reprisals for their participation: DDS structurally protects each participant against identification, surveillance, or political pressure.

4. ddsAI and allddsAI: neutral, complete and incorruptible information

ddsAI is DDS's artificial intelligence system, made available to every Comorian citizen to provide neutral, independent, comprehensive, and verified information on any political, economic, social, or administrative issue—without partisan filtering, state propaganda, or orchestrated disinformation. ddsAI goes further: the AI systems themselves are integrated as official members of DDS, with rights and responsibilities, ensuring that their operation remains permanently aligned with the interests of the Comorian people and not with those of any power, lobby, or foreign state.

• Against disinformation and media manipulation: DDS platforms are specifically protected against multimedia brainwashing, whether it comes from state media, foreign powers (Gulf, major regional powers) or digital disinformation campaigns targeting both the diaspora and the local population.
• Translation and accessibility: information circulates in Shikomori (Comorian language, in its variants according to the islands), in French and in Arabic, ensuring that every citizen — including people with low literacy in French — can access complete and understandable information.

5. Specialist groups open to all members

Five specialist groups (governance, economics and finance, social affairs and health, environment and infrastructure, security and external relations) are open to any official member with relevant skills or a willingness to learn. A Comorian engineer from the diaspora in Marseille or Dubai, a doctor from Mutsamudu, an ylang-ylang farmer from Mohéli, or a student from Moroni can all contribute directly to the development of public policies in their respective fields, without having to follow a traditional political or administrative career path.

6. Merit-based points and standards of conduct

The activity, reliability, and conduct of each member are reflected by a transparent meritocratic points system that values actual contribution rather than seniority, wealth, or family connections. A clear normative hierarchy distinguishes between mandatory rules, recommendations, and principles of logic, common sense, and mutual respect that apply in the absence of an explicit rule.

7. How does DDS operate in a country with a dominant party and no real alternation of power?

The Comoros today experiences a situation of very strong one-party domination, with an opposition that regularly boycotts elections and a limited institutional space for checks and balances. DDS proposes neither insurrection, nor regime change by force, nor foreign interference: its method is peaceful, legal, progressive, and based on citizen self-organization.

• Step 1 — Invisible and legal local self-organization: micro-groups form freely, like any informal neighborhood association, without direct confrontation with the authorities and without requiring prior official recognition.
• Step 2 — Information and continuing education: ddsAI disseminates neutral information on public issues, enabling the population to form an independent judgment, including in areas where traditional media are controlled.
• Step 3 — Collective deliberation and prioritization: micro-groups deliberate on local priorities (water, electricity, fuel prices, education, health) and bring forward consolidated positions, creating a space for citizen expression that exists independently of the official electoral calendar.
• Step 4 — Legal, peaceful and massive pressure: when the structure reaches a critical mass of members, DDS has de facto representative legitimacy, capable of engaging in dialogue with authorities, international partners and the media, and of proposing concrete solutions rather than mere protests — without ever resorting to violence, public disorder or illegal actions.
• Step 5 — Gradual institutional integration: as its popular legitimacy is demonstrated, DDS can be recognized, engage in dialogue with the State, propose consultative local referendums, and ultimately elect or convince representatives who implement decisions taken directly by the people through micro-groups.

This is already the path followed by DDS in other countries with single-party regimes, without free elections or with a highly concentrated power: the strength of the system does not come from a head-on confrontation, but from the number, transparency and irreversibility of a genuinely democratic popular organization, once it exists.

8. Absolute respect for traditions, religions, languages and minorities

DDS does not challenge Islam, the religion of almost the entire Comorian population, nor the traditions of the grand wedding (anda) and traditional social structures, nor the customs specific to each island. DDS explicitly protects religious and cultural minorities, freedom of worship, the Shikomori language in all its variants, and the right of the political opposition—whatever its affiliation—to participate fully, without discrimination, in micro-groups and collective decisions. No ideological orientation is imposed: DDS provides the method, the Comorian people decide on the content.

 

III. Detailed program: governance, economy, finance and social

The following program translates the DDS architecture into concrete, sector-specific measures, quantified where possible, and accompanied by specific examples adapted to the Comorian context. Each measure indicates its expected consequences.

1. Governance and direct democracy

• Weekly micro-group meetings: each micro-group of 5 people meets weekly (in person or via the ddsAI application) to examine a specific local problem — water cut in Mutsamudu, fuel prices in Moroni, the condition of a school in Fomboni — and propose a solution which immediately goes up to the next level.
• Direct participatory budgeting: at least 30% of local public investments (roads, water, schools, clinics) are decided directly by voting by micro-groups in the area concerned, on the model of participatory budgets already successfully tested in several countries, but with a continuous and not one-off voting mechanism.
• Total and real-time budget transparency: every Comorian franc of public revenue (taxation, external aid, bilateral donations) and every expenditure is published in real time on a ddsAI platform accessible to all, viewable by island, by sector and by project — putting an end to the opacity that currently surrounds the management of public companies like Sonelec or SCH.
• Permanent inter-island advisory council: beyond the debate on the rotating presidency, DDS establishes a permanent, non-institutional mechanism, but legitimized by direct popular participation, where Grande Comore, Anjouan and Mohéli each have an equal weight in decisions committing the whole of the Union, permanently defusing inter-island tensions.
• Protection of whistleblowers and opponents: the three-code identity system allows any official, journalist or citizen to report wrongdoing or abuse of power without fear of reprisal, restoring a citizen oversight function that has been weakened by the closure of the Anti-Corruption Court.

Expected consequences: a measurable reduction in administrative corruption within 3 to 5 years, a restoration of trust between the islands, and a gradual reduction of the feeling of political marginalization which today fuels the electoral boycott and the emigration of young professionals.

2. Economic sovereignty and productive diversification

The principle of Sustainable Development and Solidarity (SDS) is absolute: the natural and strategic resources of the Comoros—exclusive economic zone, potential underwater deposits, fisheries resources, and agricultural land—belong forever to the Comorian people, and to them alone. No exploitation agreement, no foreign concession, no debt contract can encumber these resources without direct and transparent validation by the micro-groups concerned.

• Participatory national cadastre of resources: a public and continuous inventory, co-produced with DDS specialist groups, of all natural resources, all current contracts (fishing, hydrocarbons, minerals) and their actual beneficiaries, putting an end to the current opacity on the management of potential underwater deposits in the Mozambique Channel.
• Diversification beyond vanilla, cloves and ylang-ylang: development, with the support of agronomy specialists from the diaspora, of local processing sectors (essential oils packaged and exported directly rather than sold as raw materials, making better use of each kilogram produced), sustainable fishing structured in cooperatives, and subsistence farming to reduce dependence on food imports.
• Energy sovereignty: a plan called "Comoros Sun" for the accelerated deployment of solar photovoltaics and micro hydropower plants on the three islands, financed by a popular sovereign wealth fund DDS (see point 3), in order to end in five to eight years the total dependence on imported hydrocarbons which caused the fuel crisis and the water cuts of May 2026 — the shutdown of the water pumps being directly caused by the lack of reliable electricity supply.
• Improved business climate for local SMEs: radical simplification, led by groups of economic specialists, of business creation procedures, a digital one-stop shop via ddsAI, and easier access to microcredit for women entrepreneurs and young people, a sector currently hampered by very limited financial intermediation.
• Tourism controlled by the people, not by foreign enclaves: development of community and ecological tourism where local communities, through their micro-groups, remain co-owners of tourist infrastructure (accommodation, diving, ecotourism), rather than seeing the development of enclaves entirely owned by foreign investors without local benefits.

Expected consequences: a gradual reduction of the structural trade deficit, the creation of skilled local jobs which reduces the migratory pressure of young people towards Mayotte, and an economy less vulnerable to external oil shocks like that of May 2026.

3. Public finances and the people's sovereign wealth fund

• People's Sovereign Wealth Fund (DDS): a transparent fund financed by a share of the revenue from national natural resources (fishing, future underwater resources), by a fraction of remittances from the diaspora voluntarily directed towards productive investment rather than just consumption, and by sound management of public enterprises; this fund primarily finances energy, water and education, and remains the collective and non-transferable property of the Comorian people — never pledged to external creditors.
• Reasoned broadening of the tax base: with the support of DDS specialists in public finance, a gradual and equitable broadening of domestic tax revenues (currently very insufficient) targeting in particular large retailers, luxury real estate and high margin sectors, in order to reduce the dependence of the national budget on foreign aid and conditional donations.
• Citizen audit of public debt: Faced with public debt rising from 25.5% to 36.8% of GDP between 2020 and 2024 and a high risk of over-indebtedness signaled by the IMF, a transparent and public audit, conducted with groups of financial specialists, of each loan contracted, in order to identify truly productive investments and to avoid any new financial commitment that is not directly validated by the population.
• Clean-up of strategic public enterprises: transparent restructuring of Sonelec (electricity) and SCH (hydrocarbons), whose cross-debt (more than 429 million Comorian francs reported in 2022) illustrates opaque management; systematic publication of accounts and supervision by a citizen committee from the DDS specialist groups in economics and finance.

Expected consequences: a stabilized and then progressively reduced public debt trajectory, a better medium-term risk rating, and a restored budgetary capacity to invest without depending exclusively on external donations.

4. Social: health, education, social protection

• Guaranteed Universal Minimum Income structured by voluntary work (GUMI-SV): a guaranteed universal minimum income, adapted to the Comorian context and financed by the people's sovereign wealth fund and by a sound progressive taxation, conditioned in part on a structured voluntary contribution (education, community health, maintenance of local infrastructure, environmental protection), in order to guarantee a foundation of dignity for each family while valuing civic engagement rather than pure assistance.
• Community health at the local level: strengthening local clinics on each island, accelerated training of community health workers recruited and monitored via micro-groups, and teleconsultation via ddsAI to connect rural areas of Mohéli or Anjouan to specialist doctors in Moroni or the diaspora, in addition to major hospital investments already underway such as the El-Maarouf hospital.
• Education and the fight against dropping out: a program of local scholarships financed by the people's sovereign wealth fund to keep children in school beyond primary school, especially girls in rural areas, and a structured partnership with the Comorian diaspora (numerous in France, the Gulf and Madagascar) to finance and remotely supervise, via ddsAI, tutoring and vocational training programs.
• National plan against forced youth emigration: creation, financed by the sovereign wealth fund, of vocational training centers and business incubators in promising sectors (solar energy, agri-food processing, sustainable fishing, digital), so that emigration to Mayotte or elsewhere becomes a choice again and not an economic necessity.
• Drinking water security: in direct response to the May 2026 crisis where water cuts resulted from the shutdown of electric pumps, a plan for energy self-sufficiency of pumping systems (solar with storage) funded as a priority, island by island, to guarantee access to water that no longer depends on fuel imports.

Expected consequences: a reduction in the poverty rate beyond the downward trajectory already anticipated by the World Bank, a measurable improvement in maternal and child health indicators, and a gradual decline in forced economic emigration of young people.

5. Environment and climate resilience

• Permanent cyclone resilience plan: after the damage of cyclone Kenneth (14% of GDP) and the worsening of food insecurity by cyclone Chido, a community early warning system relayed by ddsAI down to the micro-group level, resilient building standards financed in part by the sovereign wealth fund, and decentralized food and energy reserves managed locally.
• Combating deforestation and coastal erosion: community reforestation programs led by local micro-groups, with a forest guardian status recognized and valued by the DDS meritocratic points system for families and villages that effectively protect their environment.
• Sustainable blue economy: structuring of fishing cooperatives overseen by groups of environmental specialists, with quotas decided collectively to preserve fishery resources in the long term rather than letting them be depleted or ceding their exploitation to foreign fleets without popular control.

6. Protection against media manipulation and disinformation

DDS platforms are designed, technically and institutionally, to resist manipulation, whether it comes from within (state propaganda, political rumors such as those surrounding the remarks attributed to the president about his succession) or from without (foreign interference, disinformation campaigns targeting the diaspora).

• Cross-checking by allddsAI: any major political or economic information disseminated on DDS platforms is automatically cross-checked with several independent sources before dissemination to micro-groups, with a clear indication of the level of certainty and the sources.
• Traceability and anonymity combined: the three-code system ensures that no citizen can be identified or penalized for consulting, sharing or commenting on information, while preventing manipulation by fake accounts or coordinated disinformation campaigns.

 

IV. Implementation Roadmap

The implementation is intentionally phased, realistic and verifiable, with concrete milestones rather than abstract promises.

Phase 1 (0-12 months) — Priming and building confidence

• Formation of the first micro-groups in the main districts of Moroni, Mutsamudu, Fomboni and in a selection of volunteer rural villages on each of the three islands.
• Deployment of the ddsAI platform in French, Shikomori and Arabic, with an initial set of neutral information on the country's budgetary, energy and social situation.
• Launch of the participatory cadastre of natural resources and the first public citizen audit of public debt.
• Initial pilot projects for solar water pumping in two or three localities affected by the May 2026 power cuts, as a concrete and immediate proof of concept.

Phase 2 (1-3 years) — Structuring and diversification

• Extension of the fractal structure (5 → 25 → 125) to all three islands, with fully operational specialist groups.
• Launch of the DDS people's sovereign wealth fund and the first local participatory budgets covering at least 30% of investments in pilot areas.
• Large-scale deployment of the "Comoros Sun" plan for solar energy, prioritizing drinking water infrastructure.
• First vocational training hubs and incubators for youth in the identified promising sectors (agrifood, sustainable fishing, energy, digital).
• Gradual implementation of the GUMI-SV base in the most vulnerable areas identified by the micro-groups themselves.

Phase 3 (3-7 years) — Consolidation and institutional recognition

• DDS structure reaching a critical mass of official members across all three islands, with representative legitimacy demonstrated by continued participation.
• Formalized dialogue with Comorian authorities, international partners (World Bank, IMF, African Union, IOC) and the diaspora based on concrete and verifiable results rather than simple demands.
• Generalization of GUMI-SV, stabilization of public debt, and measurable economic diversification (increasing share of local processing in exports).
• Measurable reduction of energy dependence on imported hydrocarbons and of vulnerability to external oil shocks.

Phase 4 (7-15 years) — Fully integrated direct democracy

• The Comorian people decide directly, through micro-groups and continuous consultative referendums, the essential major budgetary, energy and social orientations of the country.
• Strategic resources (exclusive economic zone, future underwater resources) remain the collective and non-transferable property of the people, protected against any cession or pledged debt without direct popular validation.
• The three islands have a truly balanced weight in joint decisions, regardless of the formal institutional balances of the moment.

 

V. Anticipated Consequences and Expected Benefits

The following projections are formulated with caution and realism, based on the dynamics already at work (growth of 3.8% in 2025, forecasts of average growth of 4.3 to 4.4% per year between 2026 and 2028 according to the IMF and the World Bank) and the expected accelerating effect of direct, transparent and participatory governance.

Governance

• Gradual reduction of administrative corruption through real-time budget transparency and whistleblower protection.
• Lasting easing of inter-island tensions through a de facto rebalancing of representation, independent of the formal constitutional framework.
• A decline in the feeling of electoral distrust that fuels today's boycott, replaced by a space for continuous and verifiable participation.

Economy and Finance

• Gradual reduction of dependence on the three cash crops through local processing and agricultural and fisheries diversification.
• Stabilization and then reduction of the public debt/GDP ratio through citizen auditing and reasoned broadening of the tax base.
• Reducing vulnerability to external oil shocks (like the one in May 2026) through solar energy sovereignty.
• Creation of skilled local jobs reducing the economic migration pressure of young people.

Social

• Accelerated continuation of the decline in the poverty rate beyond current institutional projections alone (43.3% anticipated for 2027 by the World Bank, without the DDS lever).
• Improved access to drinking water and electricity, particularly in rural areas of Mohéli and Anjouan.
• Strengthening human capital through education, community health and vocational training financed by the people's sovereign wealth fund.

Sovereignty

• Sustainable and non-negotiable popular control of natural resources and the Comorian exclusive economic zone.
• Reducing political dependence on conditional donations from external partners, through sound and transparent public finances.

 

Conclusion

The Comoros possesses real assets: an exceptional strategic location, considerable natural and maritime resources, a large, skilled diaspora deeply attached to its country, a dynamic youth, and a strong cultural and religious identity that unites the three islands despite their differences. What the country has lacked so far is not potential, but a decision-making mechanism that directly, continuously, transparently, and with protection gives the Comorian people themselves control over their economic, social, and political destiny.

DirectDemocracyS does not propose replacing one authority with another; it proposes giving the Comorian people the tools to decide for themselves—peacefully, legally, and progressively—on every issue that affects their daily lives and their collective future, with full respect for their religion, their traditions, their three islands, and all their constituent parts, including the political opposition. This is a realistic path, verifiable step by step, and based on the same principle that DDS applies in every country in the world: wealth and the power to decide belong, forever, to the people themselves.

“We trust the Comorian people, and we will demonstrate to them concretely that they, too, can always count on DirectDemocracyS.”